Tuesday, November 20, 2012

The Sot-Weed Factor: Katlynne Davis, The Old World vs. The New American Culture



Katlynne Davis
Dr. Teresa Coronado
English 226
20 November 2012

            The genre of early American literature usually conjures up images of Separatists fleeing religious persecution, preachers spewing out fiery sermons to cowering congregations, and many an Indian meeting death and destruction at the hands of English colonists. While most of these events do constitute a significant part of the subject matter during this period, they are not by any means the only issues that crop up.  Ebenezer Cooke and his poem “The Sotweed Factor; or, a Voyage to Maryland. ASatyr” both defy the normative characteristics of early American literature by bringing a rather unorthodox component to the colonial table: humor. In “The Sotweed Factor”, Cooke uses his satirical approach to express how these colonists were perceived by their English brethren, and also how they have deviated from English culture by way of their new lives in America. For a genre that is replete with heavy religious undertones, Cooke’s comical poem is not only a refreshing change, but it is also a text that provides readers with a window into life in the early American colonies.
            Although many works have been written about “The Sotweed Factor” as a piece of literature, biographical information concerning Ebenezer Cooke’s life is sparse. Ever since the 1660’s, Cooke’s family, beginning with his grandfather Andrew Cooke, had traveled back and forth between England and the Maryland colony in America (Cohen 7). In 1662, Cooke’s grandfather purchased 200 acres of land in Maryland where he later built his home (Cohen 7).  Both Ebenezer’s grandfather and his father resided temporarily at this residence, which was known as “Cooke Poynt” (Cohen 7). According to historical evidence, Ebenezer and his other siblings are considered Maryland natives who were, for the most part, raised in England (Cohen 8). Historical records also suggest that before the publication of “The Sotweed Factor”, Ebenezer Cooke had traveled to Marlyand, perhaps around 1700 (Cohen 9). It is possible that while in England, Cooke had been trained for a career in law, though no concrete evidence documenting his formal education exists (Cohen 9).
In 1708, “The Sotweed Factor” was published in England, and afterwards Cooke returned to the Maryland colony where he was appointed to work as a deputy for Colonel Henry Lowe (Cohen 29). Although Ebenezer had sold his share of “Cooke Poynt” in 1717, he remained in Maryland for many years after (Cohen 29). Documents dating from the early 1720’s refer to Cooke as a “‘gentleman’ of Cecil County”, and in 1728 Cooke became a practicing attorney in the courts of Prince George’s County in Maryland (Cohen 36). At the end of some of his poems and in many of his other works, Cooke is referred to as the “Poet Laureate” of Maryland (Cohen 40).  However, there is, once again, a lack of historical evidence to substantiate whether or not Cooke had officially earned this title (Cohen 40). Cooke’s other works included the lesser known “Sotweed Redivivus”, a sequel to “The Sotweed Factor”, and a handful of elegies written in remembrance of close friends. In 1731, a curiously edited third edition of “The Sotweed Factor” was published in a collection known as The Maryland Muse (Cohen 70). In this edition, Cooke recants some of the harsher language and judgments of the colony that were included in the earlier version (Cohen 70). Unfortunately, the end of Ebenezer Cooke’s life is shrouded in some mystery; after 1732, his name abruptly disappeared from any and all historical documents (Cohen 93).
The most renowned and recognized of all of his poetry, Cooke’s “The Sotweed Factor” is largely significant in understanding American colonial life because of one key component: humor. However, the humor in Cooke’s “The Sotweed Factor” does not solely exist to entertain or criticize. Through the cynical eyes of the protagonist, Cooke reveals the transformations that have taken place between the now American colonists and their British counterparts. For the factor, the two groups might as well be worlds apart, and in essence, they truly are. In the beginning of the poem, the factor recognizes that he is leaving one cultural sphere and entering something completely new: “With heavy heart, concern’d that I / Was forc’d my Native soil to fly. / And the Old World bid good-buy” (Cooke 1). A sotweed factor was an agent of an English merchant who would travel to the colonies with products to trade (Cohen 10-11). When the factor reached his destination, he would trade most of his cargo for a large quantity of tobacco, and then return to England (Cohen 11). Therefore, bound to his occupation, the factor is “forc’d” to leave behind his home in England for the New World. The factor doesn’t find his financial prospects in America to be hopeful, but rather thinks he is “Condemn’d by Fate to way ward Curse” (Cooke 1). This journey across the Atlantic is more of a burden to the factor than a blessing.
When he arrives in Maryland, the factor is shocked by the people that he encounters. These colonists, perhaps once citizens of England, have strayed so far from British culture as a whole that they are not even recognizable to him. The factor ridicules the colonists, claiming that they have become a complete joke to humanity:
Figures so strange, no God design’d,
To be a part of Humane Kind:
But wanton Nature, void of Rest,
Moulded the brittle Clay in Jest (Cooke 2).
The factor finds these people to be separate from mankind because they have changed so much that they are now “strange” to him and his culture. The colonists are not a product of God’s creation but rather a frivolous product of Nature, who has made them only “in Jest”.  In her article on “The Sotweed Factor”, Sarah Ford claims that through his satire, Cooke dissolves any ties that the colonists and British may share; the British view the uncivilized colonists as outsiders who have cut themselves off completely from British values and principles (1). In the factor’s eyes, the colonists are a new and bizarre breed of people who contain no trace of their British cultural past. Once one and the same, Cooke recognizes that the colonists have grown away from the British colonizers to develop their own uniquely American culture.  
            As the factor travels through the Maryland colony, he discloses some reasoning as to why he believes the colonists have become so estranged from their English homeland. When he  ventures out with a local planter, he expresses the same surprise upon encountering an Indian as he does when surveying the raucous planters:
            His sable Hair in Satchel ty’d,
            Shew’d Savages not free from Pride:
            His tawny Thighs, and Bosom bare,
            Disdain’d a useless Coat to wear (Cooke 7).
The colonists are not the only strange inhabitants of the Maryland colony; the factor finds the “tawny” Indian truly peculiar with his odd customs and dress. He ties up his hair and chooses to wear no clothing, which is radically different from British standards. Consequently, the Indian, like the colonists, must be of a savage nature that is altogether foreign to the British mind. Cooke makes the comparison between the colonists and the Indians in more than one place, stating in the beginning of the poem that the planters of Maryland appear “In Hue as tawny as a Moor:” (Cooke 2). The tanned skin color of the planters who toil outdoors adds to their peculiarity, just as the Indian is gawked at for his bare “tawny” thighs. At the end of his journey, the factor utters ill-wishes towards the colony: “May they sustain the Fate they well deserve: / May they turn Savage or as Indians Wild,” (Cooke 17). According to the factor, the distance between colonial behaviors and a descent into a savage Indian lifestyle is quite short. Cooke’s choice of language reveals that by living in a country populated with “savage” Indians, the colonists run the risk of becoming just as untamed, and perhaps they already are. Through their comparison to the Indian, the colonists are even further alienated as “outsiders” to the English culture.
            Cooke does not reserve his satire exclusively for the Maryland colonists. He also criticizes the English sotweed factor for his incapacity to understand and adapt to this emerging American culture. Sarah Ford claims that Cooke’s humor is targeted at both the colonists and the English as the factor “reveals himself to be a buffoon unable to negotiate life in the New World” (1). Ford’s concept of a “dual satire” is applicable in many comical situations that crop up throughout the poem (1). In the aforementioned experience concerning the Indian, the factor is struck with panic and alarm as he encounters the strange native: “…surpriz’d with Fear, / I spur’d my Horse as he drew near:” (Cooke 8). Just as the factor tries to make a quick escape, his newly-made acquaintance greets the man, convincing the factor that, in truth the “…Brute was civel,” (Cooke 8). Cooke’s protagonist unknowingly plays the fool in this instance, frantically urging his horse to carry him away from a virtually harmless situation. This situation demonstrates how little the factor actually knows about the American colony. He struggles to assimilate to the radical change of environment, but only succeeds in revealing his own inadequacies in understanding colonial life. Where the factor was once the criticizer, he later assumes the role of the criticized.
            While Cooke’s humor in “The Sotweed Factor” is entertaining, it is closer to being a witty exaggeration rather than a genuine account of colonial life. As the factor trudges onwards, he is appalled when he becomes entangled in the crooked dealings of the Maryland courts. The colony’s legal system is just as untamed and wild as the colonists themselves: “The Jury, Lawyers, and their Clyents, / Contending, fight like earth-born Gyants:” (Cooke 10-11). Apparently the planters of Maryland cannot be civil, not even in court. Despite many popular assumptions among the English, Edward Cohen reveals that the colonial courts were often equal to their local counterparts in England (18). Cooke creates a caricatured image of colonial life through his exaggerated humor, an image that, although amusing, is not wholly true to life. However, further research confirms that Cooke and his sotweed factor are not alone in making unfounded assumptions about colonial life. In an 1844 letter to his mother and father, English immigrant Edwin Bottomley writes about his new life in the Wisconsin territory. Although Bottomley is writing nearly 140 years after Cooke, his letter proves that these exaggerations of American life die hard. Bottomley describes a friend of the family, Joseph Nobles who rumors that the Sabbath is not kept in Wisconsin territory. Edwin urges his parents to disregard this statement: “If you have heard of it, I hope you won’t believe him. The Sabbath is kept just as it is in England” (Bottomley June 27 1844). Not unlike Cooke’s example, Joseph Nobles assumes that in this wild American territory, religious customs are completely disposed of. Settlements in American territories receive the same scrutiny that the English colonies did almost a century and a half earlier, demonstrating the ongoing differences between a unique American identity and the English identity.
 “The Sotweed Factor” is a testament to the confliction, albeit a humorous confliction, between two different identities: the English identity versus the newly-formed American identity. While most colonial literature views the world through a religious lens, Cooke deviates from this norm by providing a highly critical portrait of the American colonists that is based on his own personal experiences in Maryland. The English factor views his colonial brethren as crude and inferior, but the colonists see the factor’s struggles in their world as his inability to assimilate and ultimately become American. Exaggerated at times, the sotweed factor’s facetious journey through the Maryland colony exposes the early beginnings of America. The Old World that had colonized America was giving way to a distinctly American culture in the New World. 







 Works Cited
Bottomley, Edwin. Bottomley Papers. 27 June 1844. M.S. University of Wisconsin-Parkside Archives.
Cohen, Edward H. Ebenezer Cooke: The Sot-Weed Canon. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1975.
Cooke, Ebenezer. “The SotWeed Factor; or, a Voyage to Maryland. A Satyr.” Early Americas Digital Archive. John Murphy Company, 1900. Web. 29 Oct. 2012.
Ford, Sarah. “Humor’s Role in Imagining America: Ebenezer Cook’s The Sot-Weed Factor”. Southern Literary Journal. 35.2 (2003): 1-12. MLA International Bibliography. 17 Nov. 2012. 

Relation of the Conquest of Florida: Marybeth Perdomo, The Journals of Hernando de Soto’s Florida Expedition



Marybeth Perdomo
Dr. Coronado
English 226
9 December 2012
The Journals of Hernando de Soto’s Florida Expedition
            The relationships between Native Americans and Christians, specifically Spaniards, have always been difficult; no matter how hard both parties try. The divide between the two cultures plays a significant impact on the strained relationships, and they usually surround one party unwilling to bend and accept the other. In the mid-1500s, though, cultural differences and complicated relationships were not something new. Explorers were finally seeing what was outside of their own borders, discovering new lands, and interacting more and more with Native Americans in North America. Looking at the diary of Luys Hernandez de Biedma, who was assigned to travel with Hernando de Soto in order to conquer the New World, details the time spent traveling across Florida in, “Relation of the Conquest of Florida Presented by Luys Hernandez de Biedma in the Year 1544 to the King of Spain in Council.” Evidence through this diary shows the complex relationship between the Spaniards and the Native Americans as the two endure hardships, war, and uneasy peace.
          Hernando de Soto was born in Extremadura, Spain. At a young age he participated in the conquest of Panama and Nicaragua, and later played a large role in the takeover of Peru from the Incas (Nystorm par. 1). Around 1539-1543, the Spanish King funds Hernando de Soto’s travel to the New World, specifically Florida and the surrounding region all the way to Texas. The purpose of this travel had been to “conquer” the land, according to American Journey article, “Not knowing the size of North America, the King gave Soto four years to conquer America and locate riches that would entice the Spanish settlers and investors to follow” (“The King of Spain” par. 1). From his previous campaigns among the Incas in Peru, de Soto has earned “a reputation for killing Indians as sport, and his North American expedition was among the most savage on record” (par. 2). In the journals that were written by Luys Hernandez de Biedma, who was the King’s factor, he chronicles the events that took place in the expedition. 
               In the obtained set of journals Hernandez chronicles the events that took place when the de Soto expedition landed in Florida, from Cuba, as they would begin to conquer the Americas for Spain. When the men arrive, interactions between Native Americans occur, some which are peaceful, but most which result in bloodshed. The significance of the interactions establishes what is known as “first-contact,” an important idea introduced by Cynthia Radding about what happens when first meetings between two cultures take place and how in those first few moments can determine the relationship. As Radding states, “First-contact chronicles, as in the case of the de Soto narratives, are both valuable and problematic” (774). The importance of why a good relationship is needed in the first place comes from the fact that de Soto was one of the first few explorers to have reached and explored Florida (Alchin par. 1). Before de Soto, European contact was limited, and as these two cultures first begin to know each other. The importance of the journals and why they belong in the canon is because they establish relationships between the first Europeans and the Natives. These instances foreshadow conflicts for later explorers to come.
de Soto, like many other explorers at the time, had a difficult time establishing good relationships with the Natives. One of these encounters that had a very negative impact for the Native Americans who captured the Cacique, or chief of the tribe, “He promised we should have interpreters and guides; but, as he did not give them, we had to take him along with us. With the intent of wresting him from us, at the close of six or seven days’ march there came upon us about three hundred and fifty warriors, with bows and arrows, of whom we killed some and captured the remainder” (par. 4). According to Cynthia Radding, bloody encounters like these were very common, she states, “Their destructive impact on the landscapes and cultures through which they passed was irreversible, due to pillage, rape, warfare, enslavement, and disease” (768). This relationship begins to show the hostile nature between the two, complicating relationships from the start. As one researcher from the University of South Florida summarized about the event, “He [the Chief] let it be known that he would not let anyone stand in his way [of abusing his people]. De Soto enslaved, mutilated, and executed the natives, often without provocation” (“Hernando de Soto” par. 7). When considering first-contact, this has direct negative influence that strains the relationships between the Natives and the Spaniards. This event is significant because it shows how destructive de Soto is and how this event will have negative impacts for both sides as they travel deeper into the wilds of Florida.
Lack of cultural understanding plays significant role in how first-contact plays out between both Native Americans and the Spaniards. When the tribe declares their own principles, as Hernandez records, “After we asked him for Indians to carry our burdens, he answered that he was not accustomed to serving any one, but it was rather for others all to serve him” (par. 19). The cultural divide clashes as both parties try to get their way: the Spaniards with their commanding nature and with the Natives trying to avoid them. But, what it comes down to, as well, is how they first appear. As seen in the chronicles, lives get lost and in danger when poor first-contact is establish. This idea, which has been expressed repeatedly, can change and shift relationships drastically. Radding brings forth an argument from scholar, Charles Hudson, who argues that “the de Soto expedition in particular altered the demographic and political configuration of the mound cultures irrevocably” (770). The impact of the de Soto expedition left such a mark among the Native Americans that the effects of it could still be felt years and years afterwards. This highlights the importance of de Soto among early Native Americans, and later reflect as more and more explorers come into Florida.
One such negative effect on the Natives that de Soto had ordered dealt with an interaction between a Native tribe that ended with a battle. After leaving Baya Honda, de Soto and his company encountered Native American tribes ready to strike, when the Governor (de Soto) encountered a Native who refused to give the Spaniards help (par. 21). When the men tried to restrain the man, his tribe reacted, “With the blow they all began to shoot arrows at us, some from with the houses, through the many loopholes they had arranged, and some from without. As we were so wholly unprepared, having considered ourselves on a foot of peace, we were obliged, from the great injuries we were sustaining, to flee from the town” (par. 22). This is one of the first shows of hostility from the Native people. “We entered the town and set it on fire, whereby a number of Indians were burned, and all that we had was consumed, so that there remained not a thing. We fought that day until nightfall, without a single Indian having surrendered to us – they fighting bravely like lions. We killed them all” (par. 23). This moment shows just how important first contact is and just how poorly the Spaniards have handled situations, which now leads to war. As the University South Florida researcher states, “The Spaniards were now under constant attack by the natives” (par. 11). By setting up a negative relationship, the Spaniards have put themselves in constant danger. This shows both the importance of a good first-contact and what happens when there is a lack of it.  
Something important to also highlight about the Natives and de Soto’s company is that not all encounters involved war, murder or enslavement. As Hernandez wrote in the journals when coming to a Native village, the chief’s daughter comes forward with gifts, “She likewise sent the Governor a necklace of five or six strings of pearls. We were furnished with canoes in which to pass over the river, and the Lady gave us one-half of the town” (par. 16). This encounter between the daughter and de Soto called attention to that on some level, not all encounters needed to end badly. Neither side had to draw a weapon or shed blood in order for them to get heard.  And it was not just this moment that brought new information to the men, they also learned that not all natives are out to kill them, as seen when they encounter Native Americans who were watching them sleep, observing their methods of guarding (par. 26). This event shows that there was peace that could be achieved with the Natives. This marks one moment for de Soto and his company, as well as shows just what happens when first-contact goes right. The significance of how this tribe and de Soto and his company behaved with one another helps understand how later relations can play out. They can either be blood thirsty battles or they can be of mutual understanding.
 de Soto failed in his mission to do as the King ask, even leading to his own death during one of the many battles with the Native Americans. While the relationships between the two were never perfect, they play a significant role in early American history. These journals establish what first-contact looked like. It shows the poor start that both parties received when they were attempting to know each other, and it shows how both parties really were not trying to understand each other. The de Soto expedition shows what happens when two cultures conflict with each other and just how these two parties can establish themselves around or near one another. While the expedition failed, leading to the death of de Soto, it does show early evidence of how the Native Americans reacted to the Old World before the pilgrims arrived. The importance of a document like this one, first-hand accounts about cultural interactions, belongs in the canon to be remembered.


Work Cited
Alchin, Linda. "Hernando De Soto." Elizabethan Era. N.p., n.d. Web. 8 Dec. 2012.
Erwin, Charles. "Testing the De Soto Chronicles." The Journal of Southwest Georgia History 14 (1999): 27. Web. 25 Nov. 2012
Radding, Cynthia. "Conquest, Chronicles, and Cultural Encounters: The Spanish Borderlands of North America." Ethnohistory 47.3/4 (200): 768-774. Web. 25 Nov. 2012
Hernández De Biedma, Luys. "Relation of the Conquest of Florida Presented by Luys Hernández De Biedma in the Year 1544 to the King of Spain in Council." (n.d.): n. pag. Early Americas Digital Archive. University of Maryland, 2003. Web. 3 Nov. 2012
"Hernando De Soto Arrives and Explores Florida." Exploring Florida. University of South Florida, 2002. Web. 3 Dec. 2012.
"Relation of the Conquest of Florida Presented by Luys Hernández De Biedma in the Year 1544 to the King of Spain in Council." (n.d.): n. pag. American Journeys. Wisconsin Historical Society. Web. 3 Nov. 2012

Monday, November 19, 2012

Ball Game Manuscript


Kellie Johnson
Professor Coronado
Archive Assignment
20 November 2012
Ball Game Manuscript Rough Draft
Origin and Beginning of the Game of Ball that the Apalachee and Yustagan Indians Have Been Playing Since Pagan Times until the Year of 1679, is a record written by a spanish clergyman, Reverend Father Friar Juan de Paiva, who was stationed at the spanish mission settlement of San Luis de Talimali. The purpose of the spanish mission settlements was to convert Indians to and educate them in Catholicism, and as a Friar at San Luis de Talimali, Juan de Paiva was considered a spiritual shepherd or leader to the Apalachee people. (Perron). In the writing of this manuscript, Juan de Paiva was aided by two interpreters, one of which was an Apalachee leader, who helped him better understand and translate what was told to him by the Apalachee people, this allowed him create a more accurate account since it was based not only on his own observations, but also the the knowledge passed on to him by the Apalachee people. Juan de Pavia's work was written in September of 1679 not as a document to explain Apalachee culture, but as a document stating why he believed that the ball game, played by the Apalachee people, should no longer be played. Because of the nature of this document, it was seen by the people it concerned , but not published into a work until 1982. In 1982 John H. Hann, published it as part of a larger work on the Apalachee people, called Apalachee:the Land Between the Rivers. Hann's use of the document helps to show the historic value that can be found in it. (Early visions of Florida).
While Juan de Paiva may have intended for his document to communicate why he believed the Apalachee people should no longer play their ball game, in doing so, he provides a very detailed description of the Apalachee tradition. This text is enormously valuable due to the fact that there are not many of its kind that exist. It is one of very few document in existence that provides a written first-hand account of a Native American custom. Many of the Native American tribes did not have a written language and so did not have a written record of their history or culture. Not only does Origin and Beginning of the Game of Ball that the Apalachee and Yustagan Indians Have Been Playing Since Pagan Times until the Year of 1679 provide documentation of a piece of Native American culture, but has the added benefit of being a first- hand account, as it was written by Paiva who actually viewed the game, and spoke about it with the Apalachee people. Through this document, a piece of Native American history is preserved in a way that would have been impossible without a written record. Had the history of this tradition simply been passed on verbally throughout generations, as was common, it would have no doubt, been changed and distorted over time, but, contained within a written work it has been able to remain unchanged no matter how many generations separate it from when it was written to the present time. Clearly this makes Juan de Paiva's manuscript a valuable piece of American literature, but its value does not end with its ability to preserve a part of Native American culture. The value of this document extends even further than that.
There is great value in a work that can preserve traditions namely those that would have otherwise died and been forgotten. If that was all that Juan De Paiva's manuscript on the Apalachee ball game accomplished, it would still be an incredibly valuable text, but Paiva's document manages to accomplish more than that, increasing the value of such a text. Origin and Beginning of the Game of Ball that the Apalachee and Yustagan Indians Have Been Playing Since Pagan Times until the Year of 1679, additionally provides insight into Spanish- Indian relations in southeastern America during this time period. First, this document shows the very religious tones in the relationship between the Spanish and the Indians. This can be seen not only in existence of the missions, but also in Paiva's reasons for writing the text in the first place. Paiva wrote this manuscript to express why he believed that the Apalachee people should no longer play their traditional ball game. One of Paiva's main reason's for wanting the game banned was because he believed it to be pagan and harmful to the salvation and wellbeing of the Apalachee people. Paiva's work is religiously based, as is his reason for being among the Apalachee people in the first place. While not all Spanish interaction with the Indians was religiously based, the interaction on the Spanish missions certainly was (Spanish Missions).

Another aspect of Spanish-Indian relations in San Luis de Talimali that can be seen in Juan de Paiva's manuscript, it the way that Native American culture and traditions are treated. From this document on the Apalachee ball game, one can see that Juan de Paiva expected certain Indian traditions to be abandoned. In this area, religion is once again an aspect. The Spanish expected the Indians to abandon their native religions and convert to Catholicism. The undertones of this desired conversion can be seen throughout the entire text, and once more can even be seen in the existence of the text itself. If the Spanish did not clearly expect the Indians to convert to Catholicism, there would have been no reason to dismiss their ball game on the grounds that it appeared to be a pagan practice. In regard to culture and tradition, this text shows that religion was not the only cultural aspect that the Spanish expected the Indians to give up. The ball game played by the Apalachee was considered one of their oldest traditions, It served as a form of sport, recreation, and as a way to settle disputes between tribes and clans without resorting to war. This aspect of their culture was valuable and important to the Apalachee people. Jaun de Paiva recognized all that the ball game represented to the Apalachee people, and still expected them to give it up and adopt "more civilized" forms of recreation, or rather, a more spanish-like culture. This text give a first-hand look into Spanish dealings in regard to Native American culture and tradition, and shows how the Apalachee were expected to adapt to the Spanish ways, rather than the Spanish adapting to the Apalachee ways, regardless of the fact that it was the Spanish who were the newcomers in the Indian's native land.
There is so much about the relationship between the Spanish and the Indians in southeastern American that can be learned from Origin and Beginning of the Game of Ball that the Apalachee and Yustagan Indians Have Been Playing Since Pagan Times until the Year of 1679 still another thing that can be seen through this text is the power relationship between the Apalachee and the Spanish. One can see that the Spanish felt themselves to be superior to the Indians, in that, they expected the Indians to convert to their religions and their ways. If the Spanish did not believe their ways to be better, than there would have been no need for conversion. In his manuscript, Juan de Paiva also assumes that he should be able to stop the Apalachee people from playing their traditional ball game. To be able to order the Apalachee people to cease one of their oldest traditions, than the Spanish must be in a place of power over them, or else they would not be able to make the Indians submit to what they wanted.
America even in the 1600's was a diverse place, but when looking at commonly read early American literature the vast majority are works by people of english descent. In reading Origin and Beginning of the Game of Ball that the Apalachee and Yustagan Indians Have Been Playing Since Pagan Times until the Year of 1679, as a piece of early American Literature it broadens the window of who the early Americans were. There are not many commonly read early American works by authors of Spanish descent, never the less, the spanish role in early America was still important and influential to the development of the America that is known today.
Origin and Beginning of the Game of Ball that the Apalachee and Yustagan Indians Have Been Playing Since Pagan Times until the Year of 1679, as a text has so much to offer as a piece of American literature. It serves to educate the reader culturally, giving unique insight into a piece of Native American tradition. It is enlightening historically in many ways, and gives the reader a better understanding of the people who inhabited florida in the 1600's. The text provides a unique first-hand look into various aspects of the relationship between the Spanish and the Indians, including their power relationship, and views on customs and religion. This manuscript is valuable treasury, containing a wealth of knowledge and insight. While not a commonly read text, it has much to offer its reader.
"Works Cited"
"Apalachee (people)." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d. Web. 19 Nov. 2012. <http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/29293/ Apalachee>.

"Mission San Luis." European Age of Exploration. N.p., n.d. Web. 19 Nov. 2012. <http:// www.missionsanluis.org/research/history2.cfm>.

"New Georgia Encyclopedia: Spanish Missions." New Georgia Encyclopedia: Spanish Missions. N.p., n.d. Web. 19 Nov. 2012. <http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/ nge/Article.jsp?id=h-572>.

De Paiva, Juan. "Early Visions of Florida." Juan De Paiva, Ball Game Manuscript. N.p., n.d. Web. 19 Nov. 2012. <http://earlyfloridalit.net/?page_id=59>

Perron, Mikaela. "Early Visions of Florida." Early Visions of Florida. N.p., n.d. Web. 19 Nov. 2012. <http://earlyfloridalit.net/?page_id=59>.

Worth, John E. "Chapter 5 The Transformation of the Timucuan." The Timucuan Chiefdoms of Spanish Florida. Gainesville: University of Florida, 1998. N. pag. Print.